This blog may document some of my adventures in medical education. It will also serve as a commonplace book of thought provoking media. All patient identifying information has been intentionally changed or omitted. While the details recorded here are modified, my overall experience remains true.
Thursday, October 7, 2021
Quinn "Ishmael"
Saturday, November 7, 2020
An Open Society and Its Enemies by Karl Popper
http://www.the-rathouse.com/OpenSocietyOnLIne/AATheProjectwithIndex.html
Overall it was too long and not very well organized. If forced to summarize in once sentence, I might write.
Closed society of law or religion is static, some amount of human instinct pulls us toward a closed/tribal society for including or excluding because we sense the lost group spirit of tribalism.
Tribalistic and collectivist societies assign social customs a natural law status. Lacks critical dualism. Refers to human nature or natural as "the good". Individuals unlikely to challenge traditions.
Totalitarianism makes all knowledge political, impedes critical thinking. Communal group think.
Avoids class war by giving ruling class absolute power. Keeps ruling class united.
Cannot tolerate criticism (even of its history) because it challenges the principle of authority itself.
Plato promoted collectivist justice (keep your place in social hierarchy), propagated belief that individualism is not compatible with altruism by promoting using the theory of natural rights and the social contract theory of human society.
Requires critical dualism, aka awareness of distinction between natural laws and man made traditions.
"I may perhaps briefly formulate what seems to me the most important principles of humanitarian and equalitarian ethics."
Minimize suffering, promote tolerance, avoid tyranny.
First, "tolerance towards all who are not intolerant and who do not propagate intolerance. So the moral decisions of others should be treated with respect, as long as such decisions do not conflict with the principle of tolerance."
Second. "The recognition that all moral urgency has its basis in the urgency of suffering or pain. I suggest, for this reason, to replace the utilitarian formula 'Aim at the greatest amount of happiness for the greatest number', or briefly, 'Maximize happiness' by the formula 'The least amount of avoidable suffering for all', or briefly, 'Minimize suffering'. Such a simple formula can, I believe, be made one of the fundamental principles (admittedly not the only one) of public policy. (The principle 'Maximize happiness', in contrast, seems to be apt to produce a benevolent dictatorship.) We should realize that from the moral point of view suffering and happiness must not be treated as symmetrical".
Third, "to resist tyranny by safeguarding the other principles by the institutional means of a legislation rather than by the benevolence of persons in power."
Open society supported by ideas of individuality, criticism, and humanitarianism. Require political freedom and human rights.
Open society --> moral universalism.
All knowledge is provisional. Individual critical frame of mind.
Only democracy provides an institutional mechanism for reform and transfer of power nonviolently, provides possibility of reform and possibility of reason, but does not inself provide reason. "And should he live to see the day when the majority vote destroys the democratic institutions, then this sad experience will tell him only that there does not exist a foolproof method of avoiding tyranny. But it need not weaken his decision to fight tyranny, nor will it expose his theory as inconsistent."
Majority rule is no better than any other tyranny if it's power is unlimited. Aka new law passed both house and senate and signed by president but violates supreme court precedent without the court would be parliamentary sovereignty.
Rafe summarized Popper in 7 points:
(1) Democracy cannot be fully characterized as the rule of the majority, although the institution of general elections is most important. For a majority might rule in a tyrannical way. In a democracy, the powers of the rulers must be limited; In a democracy, the rulers—that is to say, the government—can be dismissed by the ruled without bloodshed. Thus if the men in power do not safeguard those institutions which secure to the minority the possibility of working for a peaceful change, then their rule is a tyranny.
(2) We need only distinguish between two forms of government, democracies and tyrannies.
(3) A consistent democratic constitution should exclude only one type of change in the legal system, namely a change which would endanger its democratic character.
(4) In a democracy, the full protection of minorities should not extend to those who violate the law, and especially not to those who incite others to the violent overthrow of the democracy.
(5) A policy of framing institutions to safeguard democracy must always proceed on the assumption that there may be antidemocratic tendencies latent among the ruled as well as among the rulers.
(6) If democracy is destroyed, all rights are destroyed. Even if certain economic advantages enjoyed by the ruled should persist, they would persist only on sufferance.
(7) Democracy provides an invaluable battle-ground for any reasonable reform, since it permits reform without violence. But if the preservation of democracy is not made the first consideration in any particular battle fought out on this battle-ground, then the latent anti-democratic tendencies which are always present may bring about a breakdown of democracy.
All long-term politics are institutional, democratic institutions check and balance power. Institutions are like fortresses, they "cannot improve themselves, that is the task of the citizens and those who criticize democracy on 'moral' grounds fail to distinguish between personal and institutional problems. In the short term we may wish for better leaders, in the long term we need better [impersonal] institutions." Impersonal meaning they limit discretionary decisions of rulers/civil servants.
Tendency toward to discretionary short term decisions by individuals "must greatly increase the irrationality of the system, creating in many the impression that there are hidden powers behind the scenes, and making them susceptible to the conspiracy theory of society with all its consequences—heresy hunts, national, social, and class hostility." -Popper
"One needs a certain detachment to embark on the long-term task of re-designing the 'legal framework'. But governments live from hand to mouth, and discretionary powers belong to this style of living-quite apart from the fact that rulers are inclined to love those powers for their own sake." - Popper
"As opposed to a utopia, blueprints for piecemeal engineering are comparatively simple. They are blueprints for single institutions, for health and unemployed insurance, for instance, or arbitration courts, or anti-depression budgeting, or educational reform. If they go wrong, the damage is not very great, and a re-adjustment is not very difficult."
"Popper considered that the Marxist theory of politics was fatally flawed because it did not warn Marxists or socialists to be alert to abuses of power (other than economic power) and the need for institutional checks and balances on all forms of power, even after the revolution ushered in the new utopian era of the classless society." - Rafe
Piecemeal engineering is better, but still suffers from public choice theory and dangers of interventionism (democratic policy biased to favor expressive interest and neglect utilitarian considerations, expressive interest vs instrumental interest).
Personalism vs institutionalism. Pure institutionalism is also impossible because institutions are made up of people and functioning depends on the people involved.
The meanings of history:
"For example, the interpretation that man steadily progresses is incompatible with the interpretation that he steadily slips back or retrogresses. But the 'point of view' of one who looks on human history as a history of progress is not necessarily incompatible with that of one who looks on it as a history of retrogression; that is to say, we could write a history of human progress towards freedom (containing, for example, the story of the fight against slavery) and another history of human retrogression and oppression."
"The proliferation of narratives and points of view is not an invitation to relativism because all interpretations have to stand up to criticism and historians need to be conscious of their own point of view, to be willing to reconsider it, and to avoid as much as possible giving in to unconscious bias in the selection and interpretation of facts. Of course the selection of evidence is just that, selective, but the point is to use the evidence in a critical and not an uncritical manner. As a public document the historical narrative will have to stand up to criticism from other people who may not be charitably inclined towards the views of the author. Desirable features of the story in addition to its capacity to stand up to criticism will include its fertility, its ability to prompt fresh ideas and elucidate new sources of information, also its topical interest and the way it illuminates the problems of the day." - Rafe
"To sum up, there can be no history of 'the past as it actually did happen'; there can only be historical interpretations, and none of them final; and every generation has a right to frame its own. But not only has it a right to frame its own interpretations, it also has a kind of obligation to do so; for there is indeed a pressing need to be answered. We want to know how our troubles are related to the past, and we want to see the line along which we may progress towards the solution of what we feel, and what we choose, to be our main tasks. It is this need which, if not answered by rational and fair means, produces historicist interpretations (what has history destined us for?).
"There is no history of mankind, there is only an indefinite number of histories of all kinds of aspects of human life. And one of these is the history of political power. This is elevated into the history of the world. But this, I hold, is an offence against every decent conception of mankind. It is hardly better than to treat the history of embezzlement or of robbery or of poisoning as the history of mankind. For the history of power politics is nothing but the history of international crime and mass murder (including, it is true, some of the attempts to suppress them). This history is taught in schools, and some of the greatest criminals are extolled as its heroes.
A universal history of mankind would have to be the story of all men and women "the history of all human hopes, struggles, and sufferings" because nobody is more important than anyone else (a highly egalitarian view!). But that history cannot be written, it is far too rich, all narratives have to be selective and focussed. But with this we arrive at the many histories; and among them, at that history of international crime and mass murder which has been advertised as the history of mankind.
But why has just the history of power been selected, and not, for example, that of religion, or of poetry? There are several reasons. One is that power affects us all, and poetry only a few. Another is that men are inclined to worship power. But there can be no doubt that the worship of power is one of the worst kinds of human idolatries, a relic of the time of the cage, of human servitude. The worship of power is born of fear, an emotion which is rightly despised. A third reason why power politics has been made the core of 'history' is that those in power wanted to be worshipped and could enforce their wishes. Many historians wrote under the supervision of the emperors, the generals and the dictators.
And, indeed, our intellectual as well as our ethical education is corrupt. It is perverted by the admiration of brilliance, of the way things are said, which takes the place of a critical appreciation of the things that are said (and the things that are done). It is perverted by the romantic idea of the splendour of the stage of History on which we are the actors. We are educated to act with an eye to the gallery.
The whole problem of educating man to a sane appreciation of his own importance relative to that of other individuals is thoroughly muddled by these ethics of fame and fate, by a morality which perpetuates an educational system that is still based upon the classics with their romantic view of the history of power and their romantic tribal morality which goes back to Heraclitus; a system whose ultimate basis is the worship of power. Instead of a sober combination of individualism and altruism (to use these labels again)—that is to say, instead of a position like 'What really matters are human individuals, but I do not take this to mean that it is I who matter very much'—a romantic combination of egoism and collectivism is taken for granted. That is to say, the importance of the self, of its emotional life and its 'self-expression', is romantically exaggerated...
It is under the influence of such romantic ideas that individualism is still identified with egoism, as it was by Plato, and altruism with collectivism (i.e. with the substitution of group egoism for the individualist egoism). But this bars the way even to a clear formulation of the main problem, the problem of how to obtain a sane appreciation of one's own importance in relation to other individuals.
History has no meaning, I contend. But this contention does not imply that all we can do about it is to look aghast at the history of political power, or that we must look at it as a cruel joke. For we can interpret it, with an eye to those problems of power politics whose solution we choose to attempt in our time. We can interpret the history of power politics from the point of view of our fight for the open society, for a rule of reason, for justice, freedom, equality, and for the control of international crime. Although history has no ends, we can impose these ends of ours upon it; and although history has no meaning, we can give it a meaning."
- Popper
And maybe ask the questions 'What are we to choose as our most urgent problems, how did they arise, and along what roads may we proceed to solve them?'
Methodological essentialism vs nominalism. Nominalism aims at describing how a thing behavies. Essentialism "claims that true belief (knowledge) results from either (a) an intuitive grasp of the essence of things, or (b) clarification or explication of the concept of the (various) things." Rafe
Rationalism includes empiricism and intellectualism. It is "roughly, an attitude that seeks to solve as many problems as possible by an appeal to reason, i.e. to clear thought and experience, rather than by an appeal to emotions and passions.
It may be better to explain rationalism in terms of practical attitudes or behaviour. We could then say that rationalism is an attitude of readiness to listen to critical arguments and to learn from experience (of various points of view). It is fundamentally an attitude of admitting that 'I may be wrong and you may be right, and by an effort, we may get nearer to the truth.' It is an attitude which does not lightly give up hope that by such means as argument and careful observation, people may reach some kind of agreement on many problems of importance; and that, even where their demands and their interests clash, it is often possible to argue about the various demands and proposals, and to reach — perhaps by arbitration — a compromise which, because of its equity, is acceptable. to most, if not to all…" -Popper
Also emphasized judging argument rather than person arguing. Anyone can be a source of information and ideas regardless of level of agreement between us. "Rational unity of mankind".
Irrationalism:
"I do not overlook the fact that there are irrationalists who love mankind, and that not all forms of irrationalism engender criminality. But I hold that he who teaches that not reason but love should rule opens the way for those who rule by hate. Those who do not see this connection at once, who believe in a direct rule of emotional love, should consider that love as such certainly does not promote impartiality. And it cannot do away with conflict either. It is our duty to help those who need our help; but it cannot be our duty to make others happy, since this does not depend on us, and since it would only too often mean intruding on the privacy of those towards whom we have such amiable intentions. The political demand for piecemeal (as opposed to Utopian) methods corresponds to the decision that the fight against suffering must be considered a duty, while the right to care for the happiness of others must be considered a privilege confined to the close circle of their friends." - Popper
Thursday, February 13, 2020
Thursday, September 5, 2019
Heart of Darkness by Joseph Conrad
Thursday, June 29, 2017
"Narrative Medicine: A model for empathy, reflection, profession, and trust" by Rita Charon
Monday, June 26, 2017
Six Amendments by John Paul Stevens
Sunday, May 1, 2016
The Girl with the Dragon Tattoo by Stieg Larsson
Being Mortal by Atul Gawande
America's Bitter Pill by Steven Brill
A Brief History of Time by Stephen Hawking
Flat, Hot, and Crowded
Monday, December 21, 2015
Talk Like TED by Carmine Gallo
My Antonita by Willa Cather
Sunday, September 27, 2015
Adirondack Distance Festival
Saturday, June 27, 2015
"First Do No Harm: A qualitative research documentary" by Alyson and Timothy Holland
Tuesday, May 26, 2015
How to Change the World: Social Entrepreneurs and the Power of New Ideas by David Bornstein
- self-correct
- share credit
- break free of established structures
- cross disciplinary boundaries
- work quietly (John Woolman)
- strong ethical impetus (think mission driven)
Chapter 19 discusses the work of James Grant, a champion of the GOBI movement to within primary care, the core of selective primary care which epitomizes the conflict within medicine about how many of the social determinants of health should society allow healthcare to manage or shape. Ignoring this larger debate, Grant was able to focus his energy on child mortality and championed oral rehydration and child immunization to reduce mortality significantly. He even got a war to go on hold in order to vaccinate children in El Salvador, but even this action could be seen in the larger light of his unwillingness to focus on the larger causes of that war (his own country's militarism).
Bornstein concludes with the idea of blueprint copying as the most efficient way to transmit and implement knowledge. He criticizes social movements for using only idea diffusion that come detached from their implementation details, forcing adopters to go through the slow and painful process of working out the kinks before they can take advantage of good ideas.
And finally how do we make social entrepreneurialism as cool as profit-oriented entrepreneurialism? Both the citizen and business sectors market products and services to fill gaps. Both are operational that are inventive and productive when political and cultural environments are supportive. Both sectors exist to create value for society. If they are so similar, then competition should drive huge improvements, the same way that competition increased productivity so much when markets gained mobility through technology. But how do you assess various organizations and allocate capital correctly when success is not measured in dollars? Bornstein warns against using numerical metrics and asks instead for judgement, the way that the law applies judgement. I wonder why he distrusts such measures as DALYs or other measures meant to compare diverse services. His idea is to fund citizen sector research analysts to publish expert opinions.
Support social entrepreneurship as a career through private funding, education, recruitment, and media.
Friday, April 24, 2015
Flight Behavior by Barbara Kingsolver
Thursday, January 15, 2015
Small is Beautiful: A Study of Economics as if People Mattered by E. F. Schumacher (1974)
I. The Problem of Production
We are "inclined to treat as valueless everything that we have not made ourselves" (11). Schumacher blames even Marx for falling into this trap in the labor theory of value. Fossil fuels, "the tolerance margins of nature", and "the human substance" are the three categories of capital that Schumacher claims we "cheerfully treat as income" (16).
II. Peace and Permanence
Economic growth has "no discernible limit, and must necessarily run into decisive bottlenecks when viewed from the point of view of the environmental sciences" (23). Rather than growth, the central concept of wisdom within economics should be permanence. "The cultivation and expansion of needs is the antithesis of wisdom. It is also the antithesis of freedom and peace" (26). "Every machine that helps every individual has a place but there should be no place for machines that concentrate power in a few hands and turn the masses into mere machine minders, if indeed they do no make them unemployed" (28).
Small scale operations are less likely to be harmful to the natural environment. People will take better care of their land than anonymous companies that imagine the whole universe "is their legitimate quarry" (29).
III. The Role of Economics
The verdict of "uneconomic" kills many activities that should proceed. Fascinating history about the birth of the discipline of economics, and how many predicted that its separation from social philosophy. Sure enough, economics alone has moved into the center of public concern. Economic growth, expansion, performance have become an obsession of all modern societies. Activities branded as "uneconomic" are questioned about their right to even exist. The judgement of economics is "extremely fragmentary; out of the large number of aspects which in real life have been seen and judged together before a decision can be taken, economics supplies only one--whether a thing yields a money profit to those who undertake it or not" (35). The fragmentary nature gives undue weight to the short term over the long term, and is based on a definition of cost which excludes all 'free goods' or environmental capital (36). "If economic thinking pervades the whole of society, even simple non-economic values like beauty, health, or cleanliness can survive only if they prove to be 'economic'" (37).
IV. Buddhist Economics
Modern Western economics views labor as a necessary evil, simply a cost, to be reduced to a minimum if not eliminated. This view of economics also claims that work is a disutility for the worker, a sacrifice of leisure and comfort, and wages are a compensation for the sacrifice.
The Buddhist point of view gives work at least 3 functions; a way to utilize faculties, a way to enable teamwork through common task, and a way to bring goods and services needed for a becoming existence (45). Work and leisure are complementary and cannot be separated without "destroying the joy of work and the bliss of nature".
V. A Question of Size
Rural to cities move explained. Those who have nothing to sell but labor remain in weakest bargaining position. Schumacher argues for "production by the masses rather than for the masses" (61).
VI. The Greatest Resouce -- Education
Humanities provides 6 main ideas that fail to overcome economic values because they lead to "an abyss of nothingness" (74).
- evolution
- competition
- class struggles are based on economics
- Freud
- relativism
- positivism which denies the possibility of objective knowledge about meaning and purpose of any kind.
Education is breaking down due to a lack of metaphysical training. There is no thought about the levels of being. We have abandoned the cardinal vurtues, the seven deadly sins, but "what new ideas have taken their place?" (83). How can one think about virtue, love, and temperance with the above 6 ideas?
VII. The Proper Use of Land
Agriculture should keep man in touch with living nature, humanize and ennoble man's wider habitat, and bring forth food and other materials which are needed for becoming life. Modern economics recognizes only the latter.
VIII. Resources for Industry
IX. Nuclear Energy -- Salvation or Damnation
X. Technology with a Human Face
The goal is to have enough time to make a good job out of any work, to enjoy oneself, to produce real quality, even to make things beautiful.
Schumacher calls for the use of "intermediate technology". Accessible, more advanced than primitive.
XI. Development
A dynamic approach is required because an economic approach fails to recognize the value of abandoning efficiency and maximal profits in favor of meaningful and human work.
XII. Social and Economic Problems Calling for the Development of Intermediate Technology
XIII. Two Million Villages
XIV. The Problem of Unemployment in India
What is education for? The specialization of tasks (and sacrifice in humanness of work that that implies) means that a college education requires 150 years of peasant work to supply. What what do the peasants get back for it? Therefore Schumacher's essential questions are: "is education to be a passport to privilege or is it something which people take upon themselves almost like a monastic vow, a sacred obligation to serve the people?" (173). "Can we establish an ideology that issists that the educated have taken upon themselves an obligation and have not simply acquired a passport to privilege" (173)? The presence or absence of this ideology affects the content of education. If the former view is taken, then education focuses on village life, manual labor, social justice, etc. But the latter suggests that you need electricity, cement, and steel before we can do anything at all.
XV. A Machine to Foretell the Future
A theoretical warning to not mix up events and acts, future and past, certain and uncertain. Predictions vs forecasts. Forecast vs feasibility study.
XVI. Towards a Theory of Large-Scale Organization
Achieve smallness within large organizations.
XVII. Socialism
Pure market economics are "an institutionalization of individualism and non-responsibility" (213).
Ownership is not a decisive question. "There is no case for public ownership if the objectives to be pursued by nationalized industry are to be just as narrow, just as limited as those of capitalist production: profitability and nothing else" (217).
XVIII. Ownership
XIX. New Patterns of Ownership
Middle road between privatization and capitalism. Points out that people hate being taxed and thus fight against public expenditure. "The need for public expenditure should thus be recognized in the structure of ownership of the means of production" (229).
"All the educational, medical, and research institutions in any society bestow incalculable benefits upon private enterprise -- benefits for which private enterprise does not pay directly as a matter of course, but only indirectly by way of taxes, which are resisted, resented, campaigned against, and often skilfully avoided...It is illogical that payments for benefits obtained by private enterprise from the infrastructure cannot be exacted by the public authorities by direct participation in profits but only after private appropriation of profits has taken place. Private enterprise claims that its profits are being earned by its own efforts, and that a substantial part of them is then taxed away by public authorities. This is not a correct reflection of the truth. A large part of the costs of private enterprise has been borne by the public authorities -- because they pay for the infrastructure" (229)Schumacher goes on to propose three spectrum on which decisions could be made
Freedom--Totalitarianism
Market Economy -- Planning
Private ownership -- Collectivized ownership
In the simplest interpretation, this gives 8 combinations.
He suggests a middle road on all three spectrums. First that the 'public hand' should receive 1/2 of distributed profits of large-scale private enterprise by means of 50% ownership of the equity of such enterprises" (239). Public shares wouldn't have voting rights normally, but woul dhave the right to information and observation.
Epilogue
The idea of economy, work, and technology that sustains "the human substance" continuously reappears in this book. Work that takes away any hint of humanity, becoming a merely mechanical activity, turns the worker himself into "a perversion of a free being" (29). The "humanization" of work would lower GDP, decrease profits, and decrease the way that the current "standard of living" is calculated. Schumacher argues that the calculation leaves out key factors that would be wise to include.
Wisdom is also thrown around quite casually, with what seems to me a lack of theoretical and philosophical underpinning. Schumacher suggests that we need a revision of the ends which economic means are meant to serve.
Remedy and Reaction by Paul Starr (2011)
- Stumbling toward Comprehensive Reform
- political deadlock
- the American path to health insurance
- Frustrated ambitions, liberal and conservative
- the shaping of the Clinton health plan (Starr was part of the Clinton's huge team of experts, and has fascinating inside information.
- getting to no
- the rise of a reform consensus 2006-2008
- Romney and MA model
- toward minimally invasive reform
- making 2008 a healthcare election
- Obama and the rollercoaster to reform
- why healthcare reform passed and climate legislation didn't
Rights versus obligations of individuals and states. For states, the question is whether healthcare is a service that the community has an obligation to provide (like basic education). If it is, then the principle of "actuarial fairness" should be abandon. Rather than each person paying for what they use, the cost of care should be spread over the healthy and sick evenly "to avoid imposing burdens on the sick that effectively bar them from access to medical care" (242). Starr invites consideration of the European ideal of "solidarity". He is careful to delineate that the "moral interest in ensuring care for the sick does not require shared responsibility for services such as cosmetic surgery or amenities such as private hospital rooms" (242).
Starr notes that we do have one federal right to health care, The Emergency Medical Treatment and Active Labor Act but that this is funded by shifting costs to insured patients, "a hidden transfer that the American public has apparently preferred to being openly taxed for the same purpose" (242). The ACA "attempts to extend shared responsibility without entirely banishing actuarial fairness, and it makes the health insurance system more inclusive without flattening its tiered and unequal structure" (243). In an unregulated insurance market, the liability equals 11:1 between a 60yo and a 20yo American. That means older adults would pay 11 times as much for insurance. A pure "community rating" insurance would charge these people the same amount. The ACA limits differences in rates to a 3:1 ratio. Ironically the increased burden falls largely on the poor and middle class who are under 400% (this is where subsidies stop) of the poverty line because those over this level buy insurance independently and most get it through employers, few of which ask older workers to pay more than younger workers for insurance.
While libertarians cringe at the young paying for the old, shared responsibility can be described as "enlightened self-interest" as those young workers will almost inevitably be old soon enough.
Subsidies were clarified as a way to make insurance premiums a scaled percentage of income, so that premiums are 3-4% of income for the working poor, and up to 9% of income for those at 400% of poverty level. They're calculated based on second lowest priced silver plan in each area.
The levels are also explained clearly:
Bronze covers 60% of healthcare costs
Silver covers 70%
Gold covers 80%
Platinum covers 90%
Conservatives support freedom while liberals support equality? Starr argues that a conservatives are using a "shriveled conception of freedom" that fails to recognize that "health itself is a matter of personal freedom" (247). He reminds libertarians that "there are no rights without a government to protect them" and that "freedom is impossible without the framework of law that the state upholds". Starr recognizes that conservatives fear "arbitrary and capricious" government power, but reminds them that these same interests should motivate them to be concerned about private power, such as that of an insurance company. A law that wields government power in order to reduce arbitrary and unreasonable private powers "may also increase individual freedom".
federalism and finance
The subsidiarity principle has solid rationale for keeping decisions at no higher level of government than is necessary. "History complicates theory". Leaving healthcare to the states would mean "denying access to medical care and insurance" for "millions of the poor and near-poor in the South and Southwest" (253).
Financing is complicated.
health and the public household
Health insurance as insurance against unexpected costs or as prepayment for medical services? If you believe the former, than moral hazard is a big deal, and people should pay out of pocket for ordinary expenses. The prepayment model conceives that limiting coverate to catastrophic costs "creates perverse incentives favoring technologically intensive services to the neglect of primary care and prevention" (259).
The ACA supports new nonprofit Patient Centered Outcomes Research Institute to compare clinical effectiveness. "But the law bars use of the findings as mandates or guidelines for coverage or payment" (263). If the Independent Payment Advisory Board gets struck down by the supreme court there will be trouble, because "if we cannot say no to paying for services that are clinically ineffective, we will surely have no choice but to limit services that are clinically valuable" (263).
"Other democracies long ago resolved whether they have an obligation to provide care for the sick and protection against medical costs" (279).
"If the special interests were arrayed on one side and the suffering masses on the other, the conflict would fit easily into a familiar populist picture of the world. But though the health insurers, drug companies, and other interests profit from the health system, they are not alone responsible for maintaining it. The bias against change also comes from members of the protected public. No other major democracy created a financing system that provides the biggest tax breaks to the people with the best private insurance; no other major democracy established a separate program for the elderly. A variety of other programs protect particular groups. These partial measures have become major obstacles to the efforts to control costs and to extend protection to the uninsured. The resistance to reform didn't arise because Americans were such determined individualists that they rejected all government help; much of the resistance has come from members of an entitled majority with a privileged position in the public-subsidy system. The potency of these entitlements lies in the psychology of self-exemption they instill; the beneficiaries do not understand themselves as benefiting from government assistance or as sharing a common condition with the excluded. The tax subsidies are nearly invisible to those who receive them; Medicare invites the elderly to believe that they have earned its benefits, whereas other claimants have not. Morally armed, they can reject helping others in need as a matter of high principle; after all, Americans shouldn't look to the government for help" (280).
Wednesday, January 7, 2015
The Social Transformation of American Medicine by Paul Starr (1982)
Key ideas outlined in Starr's chapter titles and subtitles that I might be able to describe to you if you asked include;
- professional sovereignty
- the market and professional autonomy
- legitimate complexity
- origins of medical sectarianism
- explained origin of homeopathy, eclectics, and orthodox
- reconstitution of the hospital
- Hill Burton Act
- public health vs private practice
- capitalism and the doctors
- professional resistance to corporate control
- the struggle for healthcare reform
- why America lagged
- The New Deal
- Socialized medicine and the Cold War
- health insurance origins
- the birth of the blues
- private social security
- focus on research
- how the medical center gained power
- 1970-1974
- contradictions of accommodation
- generalization of rights
- conservative assimilation of reform
- 1975-1980
- generalization of doubt
- liberal impasse
- The coming of the corporation